Today’s Igbo Market Day: Nkwo | 8 Feb 26

APC should learn from history

The unfolding development in Nigeria’s political landscape, where four state governors elected on the platform of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) have resigned from the party to join the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), with more reportedly set to follow, makes a mockery of Nigeria’s democratic journey. It portends a dangerous trend towards the erosion of multi-party democracy and a descent into a despicable one-party state.

Within just a few days in October, two governors, Enugu’s Peter Mbah and Bayelsa’s Douye Diri, announced their resignation from the PDP. Mbah, the lone PDP governor in the South East, made his move with a well-scripted but muted justification. “After a long walk, we have decided to leave the PDP and join the APC. Our vision has now found stronger reinforcement at the federal level. Our move is bigger than politics but about alignment with the centre,” he said. His words, delivered to a region known for advocating true federalism and devolution of powers, reek of irony.

While Nigerians were still processing the Enugu development, Diri followed suit. Unlike Mbah, he offered no elaborate justification, merely citing “obvious reasons.” What obvious reasons? As a governor completing his second term, he can hardly claim fear of losing re-election. Though he has yet to join the APC formally, reports suggest his defection is only awaiting a grand ceremony that has now become a political ritual

These two have joined their southern colleagues, Akwa Ibom’s Umo Eno and Delta’s Sheriff Oborevwori, who made similar moves earlier in the year. Until these defections, Enugu, Bayelsa, Delta, and Akwa Ibom had been strong PDP strongholds since 1999. None of their governors had ever lost a re-election bid. What changed? Particularly for those still eligible for re-election in 2027, the motivation appears less about governance and more about political survival and self-interest.

While it is the constitutional right of every citizen to associate with any political organisation, such rights must be exercised within the bounds of the law. The law is clear that a political party, not the individual, sponsors a candidate for election. As affirmed in the landmark Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi v. Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) & Others (2007) case, votes cast during an election belong to the party, not the candidate. In that light, these governors have erred by transferring the mandate of one political party to another.

This newspaper hopes the Supreme Court will one day pronounce a definitive position to codify this principle and protect the sanctity of party mandates.

Beyond the legal implications, however, lovers of democracy must be alarmed at the ruling party’s relentless drive to absorb nearly all opposition figures. While every political party naturally seeks to expand its membership, this expansion must be organic, not driven by a sinister ambition to transform Nigeria into a one-party state.

That the opposition is already in disarray only compounds the danger. Yet, the deeper problem lies in the political and electoral systems that permit such rampant cross-carpeting without consequences. The claim by defecting governors that they seek alignment with the federal government to attract development is nothing but claptrap. Reports suggest that Enugu, even under the opposition, has recorded more tangible development in recent years than some APC-controlled states.

What these defections truly demonstrate is a disregard for the electorate. Good governance, not alliance with the centre, should guide political choices. Opposition politics is a pillar of democracy; abandoning it for convenience exposes a lack of principle and commitment to democratic ideals.

The constitutional provisions on cross-carpeting need urgent review to safeguard the spirit of democracy. The judiciary must also be courageous in interpreting the law to preserve party integrity, particularly in cases involving lawmakers, where the law already provides clear guidance.

Above all, the ruling party must reflect on the repercussions of its unbridled quest to dominate the political space. History offers sobering lessons. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), during the Second Republic, embarked on a similar conquest. Empowered by federal control between 1979 and 1983, it sought to capture all states by any means necessary. The 1983 elections, marred by massive rigging and violence in states like Oyo, Ondo, Anambra, Bendel (now Edo and Delta), and Cross River, exposed the arrogance of power. The ensuing chaos helped bring down the Republic through a military coup that ended civilian rule along with the party’s dominance.

Decades later, the PDP repeated the same mistakes. After its rise in 1999, it boasted of ruling for 60 years. Drunk on power, it extended its reach through manipulation, internal imposition, and suppression of dissent. When public resentment peaked, elite defections birthed the APC, which toppled the PDP in 2015, a party that now risks repeating the same mistakes that led to its predecessor’s fall.

Both the NPN and PDP remind us of an enduring truth: when ruling parties mistake the nation for their fiefdom and power for permanence, they sow the seeds of their downfall. The survival of Nigeria’s democracy depends not on the size or strength of a ruling party, but on its restraint, inclusiveness, and respect for the people’s will. (Daily Trust,Ngr)

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