IGBOZURUOKE FORUM

“The Igbo,” as the head title of this heading is deliberate. The correct thing should have being “Ndi Igbo” and not “The Igbo.” Unfortunately, many who dwell on this nomenclature do not fully understand the difference.  To put the records straight, While Ndi Igbo is a noun that incorporates every Igbo minus non Igbo, the Igbo, on the hand, is an adjective that comprises some Igbo and non Igbo of the same persuasion.

 To elucidate this further, “the Igbo” are those Igbo and non Igbo who belief in Igbo philosophy and are committed Igbo patriots. For example, you will always hear “Igbo bu Igbo” once a topic is directed to an Igbo segment he or she considers “the real Igbo.” Semantically, “the Igbo and Igbo bu Igbo,” are synonyms.  On the other hand, Ndi Igbo are those who are Igbo by birth and name excluding the non Igbo, but do not care about the Igbo philosophy or what a true Igbo should represent. In essence, this is a segment that is ready to betray, undermine or ensure that “the Igbo aspiration” does not see the light of the day as long as their aspirations are guaranteed.  

This article, being the first in a series, is directed to “the Igbo” and meant to uncover certain issues in which they have been hamstrung in their quest to excel and attain a proper liberated status since the civil war ended in 1970.

For brevity, let us consign this volume to Igbo politics and governance since democracy resumed in 1978. If we should consider the dispensation from 2015, when Buhari  become a democratically elected president till date, we would see that upon all the betrayals and treachery that Igbo politicians and elite engaged in and which have impacted negatively on the Igbo, all they have to show for it is a disgraceful outcome: two substantial ministries—ministries of work; trade,  commerce and industries, then, the less substantial ones—ministry of women  affairs, ministry of state for labour and that of science and technology and a few handful of inconsequential appointments.  As we mull over this state of affair and desire to change things, we must pause and make some recollections. 

To inquire into what could have been the cause of this tragedy, we must cast our minds to the following years: 1970, 1978 and 1982. Immediately the civil war ended in 1970, two groups of people rushed out of Igbo land. The first were the evil men who perpetrated heinous crimes against their fellow Biafra people while the war lasted.

For example, there were those who killed, betrayed and stole other people’s property, even those, buried by their kinsmen to avoid being stolen were not spared. Equally, we had those Biafra people called “Stragglers,” a name given to a group of bandits, miscreants etc., who were Biafra army deserters who took to crimes. A disturbing scenario with this group was that some of them carried rifles they stole or deserted with and use them to threaten innocent and suffering Biafra people to surrender their belongings.

 Then, we had the saboteurs and those who collaborated with the victorious Nigerian soldiers to capture Igbo ladies as companions, after the latter had were camouflaged or hidden by their parent or relatives to prevent such captivity.

These criminals, who knew what awaited them once the dust settled, bolted from their respective enclaves to escape immediate prosecution.  Either the remnants of this group, their offspring or empowered subordinates, are most of the current Igbo politicians’ elites that have no scruples and have continually sabotage Igbo unity, enhancement and are always willing to sell the Igbo soul for any amount, as far as it satisfies their desires.

The second group that left Igbo land was those who rushed to where they had lived or had businesses outside Igbo land to see if any of belongings still exist and could be salvaged. It was some of these who received the mandatory twenty pounds irrespective of whatever they had in their accounts before the war began.    

In 1978, Nigeria returned to democracy. That year, electioneering started on a dozy note for the Igbo. Before Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, could rally to form the NPP, after what seemed like a procrastinated indulgence, Dr. Alex Ekwueme and some Igbo political stalwarts had aligned themselves with Alhaji Shehu Shagari and the NPN, in what equally looked like a hasty move. The reference to this incident is critical in the analysis of this subject as it marked the first time Igbo democratic participation would be jeopardized due to a political divide caused by the above inference. As a result, Ndi Igbo joined the 1978 political exercise as a divided and a disunited nation.  

After that election which Shagari won, we saw how the differences caused the Igbo, some notable democratic dividends that would have come in form of infrastructures, economic empowerment and in form of other government largess. For example, some Zik’s protégés like Chief Jim Nwobodo, who felt that his godfather and Ndi Igbo were betrayed by the Ekwueme camp failed to cooperate with Ekwueme, who was at the federal level and  could have brought more democratic dividends to Igbo land if the right climate had existed. Rather than abating, the schism got widened and adversely affected the Igbo in other spheres, for example, we saw how Chiefs Jim Nwobodo and his cohorts glaringly moved against a kinsman, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, who was contesting against Gen. Obasanjo, at the PDP convention in Jos. Not satisfied with their betrayals, Nwobodo and one other Igbo politician began to address the convention in Hausa, where they campaigned against the candidacy of Ekwueme. It was a sad day for the Igbo.

Then in the year 1982, Ndi Igbo suffered the greatest loss when they mishandled Ojukwu’s return from exile and bungled the whole process that would have induced him to unite Ndi Igbo and prevent Igbo slide.

Ten years after the gruesome civil war and one of the most dastardly acts of economic strangulation against Ndi Igbo by Gen. Gowon and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, had began to thaw.  Miraculously,  Ndi Igbo  had began to recover. About the time The People’s Club of Nigeria celebrated their 10^th year anniversary the hitherto planned Igbo subjugation, at least, economically, by the Nigerian government had began to fall apart. The Igbo were down but not out and only needed a catalyst like the return of Ojukwu to march on.

That is because, though the Igbo were recovering, the traumas of the war was still rife and interfering with a cohesive disposition needed to boost their confidence and ensure a more united front to further improve their lot.

Incidentally, Ojukwu, being a beloved and trusted kinsman was the only Igbo who could turn things and perform the magic of uniting the Igbo and improving their lot in Nigeria. So when the news of his pardon by President Shehu Shagari was announced, the Igbo were ecstatic.  

Unfortunately, immediately, Ojukwu touched down at Emene Airport, Enugu, trouble began. Among Ojukwu admirers and consorts who probably planned his return were rabble-rousers like Dr. Chuba Okadigbo and his cohorts who do not brook other voices or ideas besides theirs. Consequently, the altercations that led to name-calling of Ọgbọsọ 1 became rife and dampened a welcome ceremony that the Igbo envisaged. For those who do not know this episode, get details of Ojukwu return from Ivory-Coast in 1982.

Incidentally, the most damaging incident to Igbo cohesion and political advancement in Nigeria happened in 1983, when Ojukwu went against sensible advices from many quarters and contested the Onitsha Senatorial seat against a relatively unknown Dr Onwudiwe in 1983. He lost that election and from that time, the Igbo spun off the rail of cohesion, reverence and political relevance in Nigeria.

In volume 2, consequences of Ojukwu’s 1983 indiscretion and Igbo descents that follows will be discussed.

Boniface Alanwoko,

Website: www.igbozuru.com,

E-mail: [email protected]